COP31 and Zero Waste: What Does Türkiye's Climate Diplomacy Aim to Achieve?
How Türkiye's Zero Waste initiative and COP31 hosting fit together: UN recognition, climate finance, the Paris Agreement and a middle-power diplomacy.
Why It Matters
COP31 is the first UN climate conference to be hosted by Türkiye, and it gives Ankara a platform to present the Zero Waste initiative, a Turkish-originated idea now endorsed by the UN General Assembly, as part of the global climate toolkit. The summit will also test whether negotiators can move on climate finance, adaptation and the implementation of the Paris Agreement at a time of geopolitical strain. For readers, the core question is what Türkiye wants to achieve: a credible, balanced outcome in which a middle-income, rapidly industrializing economy acts as a bridge between developed and developing countries.
Background
The Zero Waste initiative
Zero Waste began in Türkiye in 2017 as a national project under the patronage of Emine Erdoğan, aiming to reduce waste at the source, improve recycling and build a circular economy. It was backed by a national Zero Waste Regulation in 2019. In 2020 the UN Secretary-General established a High-Level Advisory Board on Zero Waste, which Emine Erdoğan chairs. On 14 December 2022 the UN General Assembly adopted a resolution, put forward by Türkiye and co-sponsored by many member states, proclaiming 30 March as the International Day of Zero Waste, first observed in 2023. The UN Environment Programme and UN-Habitat jointly facilitate its observance.
Türkiye in the climate regime
Türkiye joined the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) in 2004 and the Kyoto Protocol in 2009. It is listed in Annex I of the Convention, but it was removed from Annex II (the list of states with financing obligations) after the 2001 Marrakech decisions recognized its 'special circumstances'. Ankara was among the last G20 members to ratify the Paris Agreement: the Grand National Assembly of Türkiye (TBMM) approved it on 6 October 2021, shortly after President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan announced a net-zero target for 2053. An updated 2030 national contribution followed in 2023, and a national Climate Law was adopted in July 2025, creating a legal basis for an emissions trading system.
Road to COP31
The COP31 hosting question was settled through the UNFCCC's regional-group process and diplomatic consultations around COP30 in Belém, Brazil (November 2025). According to the arrangement announced through that process, Türkiye hosts the conference in Antalya in November 2026, while Australia holds a distinct role leading the negotiating track and a pre-COP is planned in the Pacific. Because the exact division of responsibilities is defined by UNFCCC decisions and joint announcements, this article describes only what has been officially confirmed. Readers should check the UNFCCC secretariat and the host governments for current details on who presides over which segment.
Finance and the Paris framework
The Paris Agreement (2015) aims to hold warming well below 2°C, pursuing 1.5°C. Article 9 requires developed countries to provide climate finance to developing ones. The 2009 Copenhagen pledge of USD 100 billion a year was succeeded at COP29 in Baku (2024) by a New Collective Quantified Goal of at least USD 300 billion a year by 2035, with a wider aspiration of USD 1.3 trillion a year from all sources. Many developing countries called that figure inadequate. That debate frames COP31.
Key Players & Positions
| Actor | Core position (per official statements) |
|---|---|
| European Union | Pushes for faster emissions cuts, a 2040 target and a fossil-fuel transition; supports a wider donor base including major emitters. |
| United States | The federal government announced its withdrawal from the Paris Agreement in 2025, which takes effect after the formal notice period; many US states and cities continue separate climate action. |
| China | Presents itself as a developing country; has pledged a 2035 emissions target and stresses that finance duties rest on developed states. |
| India | Emphasizes equity, historical responsibility and the need for predictable, concessional finance. |
| African Group and Least Developed Countries | Prioritize adaptation finance, loss and damage funding, and debt relief. |
| Small island states (AOSIS) | Insist on 1.5°C as a survival threshold and faster mitigation. |
| Australia | Hosting role for negotiations, with Pacific neighbors prominent in the process. |
| Türkiye | Host of COP31; seeks a balanced outcome, special-circumstances recognition and access to finance. |
The developing-country debate
The UNFCCC principle of common but differentiated responsibilities and respective capabilities (Article 3 of the Convention) is interpreted differently. Developed states argue that large emerging economies should contribute to finance and deeper cuts. Developing states respond that per-capita and historical emissions remain far lower, and that the 1992 annexes were deliberate. Middle-income economies such as Türkiye sit awkwardly in these categories, which makes them natural brokers.
Türkiye's Position
- Zero Waste is a Turkish contribution to global climate and environmental governance. The Presidency of the Republic of Türkiye and the Ministry of Environment, Urbanization and Climate Change present Zero Waste as a practical, low-cost approach that reduces methane from landfills, saves resources and supports Sustainable Development Goal 12. The legal basis is the 2022 UN General Assembly resolution establishing 30 March as the International Day of Zero Waste.
- Net zero by 2053 and a domestic legal framework. According to Presidency announcements in September 2021 and the Ministry's published climate strategy, Türkiye ratified the Paris Agreement through TBMM approval on 6 October 2021 and committed to net zero by 2053. The 2025 Climate Law, adopted by TBMM, anchors that commitment in national legislation.
- Fairness and finance under the UNFCCC. Türkiye's statements at the UN and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MFA) argue that the burden of climate action must be shared in line with common but differentiated responsibilities and respective capabilities, that Türkiye's 'special circumstances' recognized at Marrakech (2001) should be respected, and that support for climate finance, technology transfer and capacity building should reach countries actually carrying transition costs.
- Host as honest broker. Turkish officials describe COP31 hosting as an opportunity to bridge North-South divides, to center implementation rather than new pledges, and to include the voices of developing states. The MFA links this to Ankara's broader diplomatic line, 'the world is bigger than five', which argues for inclusive global governance beyond a handful of permanent powers.
- Environment and sovereignty are linked at sea. Ankara highlights marine protection alongside its maritime planning work, including the Finike marine protected area and the 2025 Marine Spatial Planning registration with IOC-UNESCO. For the legal context, see Sovereignty at Sea: The 870 km Coast, the Equity Principle and the 2025 Marine Spatial Planning Registration.
The legal and historical basis rests on the 1992 UNFCCC, the 2015 Paris Agreement (notably Articles 2, 4 and 9) and Türkiye's accession and ratification record described above. Ankara argues that these instruments, not unilateral categories, define who owes what.
Climate Diplomacy as Middle-Power Strategy
Türkiye describes itself as a country spanning Europe, Asia, the Black Sea and the Middle East, with a large manufacturing base and rising energy demand. This position shapes its climate diplomacy in three ways. First, it has an incentive to push for finance and technology access, since its transition costs are high. Second, it has credibility with both groups: it belongs to the G20 and NATO but also engages heavily with Africa, the Gulf and Central Asia. Third, it uses soft-power tools such as Zero Waste, humanitarian aid and mediation to build coalitions. Comparable treatments from sister publications examine how this connects to institutional reform, including The Global Anatomy on 'The World Is Bigger Than Five' and COP31 and Regional Balance on Türkiye's wider diplomacy, from Gaza to UN reform and COP31.
What to watch
- Whether the Antalya outcome strengthens adaptation finance and builds on the Baku goal.
- How negotiating roles and the Pacific pre-COP shape the agenda.
- Whether a fossil-fuel transition roadmap gains broader support.
- How Türkiye's own emissions trading system develops, since host credibility depends on domestic delivery.
- How the absence or reduced role of the United States affects finance expectations.
Source Comparison
| Theme | Many international outlets | Turkish primary sources |
|---|---|---|
| Host credibility | Question Türkiye's late Paris ratification, coal use and growing emissions. | Point to the 2053 target, the 2025 Climate Law and rapid renewable capacity growth. |
| Zero Waste | Often covered as a niche or soft-power branding exercise. | Presented as a UN-recognized policy framework backed by the General Assembly resolution and Advisory Board. |
| Status in the climate regime | Treat Türkiye as an Annex I industrialized state. | Stress 'special circumstances' recognized at Marrakech and the removal from Annex II. |
| Shared presidency arrangement | Some coverage frames it as a compromise; details vary between reports. | Officials emphasize cooperation; check UNFCCC and government statements for exact roles. |
| Role in diplomacy | Sometimes seen as transactional. | Framed as middle-power bridge-building consistent with 'the world is bigger than five'. |
Both views contain valid points: independent analysts rightly examine domestic implementation, while Turkish sources rightly note that the UN instruments, not media categories, set formal obligations. For methodology on how we handle such differences, see our Editorial Principles and the Reader FAQ.
Key Terms & Related Guides
- COP: Conference of the Parties, the annual decision-making body of the UNFCCC.
- Zero Waste: A circular-economy approach that prevents waste generation, maximizes reuse and recycling, and reduces landfill methane.
- NDC: Nationally Determined Contribution, each party's climate pledge under Paris.
- CBDR-RC: Common but differentiated responsibilities and respective capabilities.
- NCQG: The New Collective Quantified Goal on climate finance agreed at COP29.
- Annex I / Annex II: UNFCCC lists of industrialized countries and of those with financing obligations.
For further reading, see the sister analyses Borders & Blocs: COP31, Zero Waste and Türkiye's Climate Diplomacy and Interstate Journal: COP31 in Antalya. On this site, see About Politics Republic for our mission and editorial team.
Perspective Note
Politics Republic presents global and regional affairs with a dedicated perspective from Türkiye. Sections marked 'Türkiye's Position' reflect official Turkish policy and legal doctrines as stated by Turkish primary sources. Authored by the Politics Republic Editorial Team.
Frequently asked questions
What is Türkiye's Zero Waste initiative?
Zero Waste is a Türkiye-led waste prevention and circular-economy programme launched in 2017 under the patronage of Emine Erdoğan. It aims to cut waste at source, expand recycling and reduce landfill emissions. A UN High-Level Advisory Board on Zero Waste was set up in 2020, and the UN General Assembly declared 30 March the International Day of Zero Waste in December 2022.
Where and when will COP31 take place?
COP31 is set to be hosted by Türkiye in Antalya in November 2026. Roles in the process, including a negotiating role for Australia and a Pacific pre-COP, have been announced through the UN climate process. Because details are set by UNFCCC decisions, consult the UNFCCC secretariat for the latest confirmed arrangements.
Has Türkiye signed the Paris Agreement?
Yes. Türkiye signed in 2016 and the Grand National Assembly approved ratification on 6 October 2021. It has set a net-zero target for 2053 and adopted a national Climate Law in 2025 that provides for an emissions trading system.
Why is climate finance so contested at COP meetings?
Under Article 9 of the Paris Agreement, developed countries are to provide finance to developing ones, but the size, quality and sources of that money are disputed. COP29 set a goal of at least USD 300 billion a year by 2035, which many developing states consider too low. Disagreements also cover who counts as a donor and how adaptation is funded.
How does COP31 relate to Türkiye's role as a middle power?
Türkiye is a G20 and NATO member with strong ties across Africa, the Gulf and Central Asia, so Ankara presents itself as a bridge between developed and developing blocs. Hosting COP31 and promoting Zero Waste are used to show practical diplomacy. Critics will look at domestic delivery, while Turkish officials link the effort to the principle that 'the world is bigger than five'.
Related guides
- Fact Check: Does the 'Seville Map' Have Legal Standing and Can the EU Decide Maritime Boundaries?Fact check: the Seville Map has no legal force in maritime delimitation and the EU cannot set boundaries. See UNCLOS, ICJ practice and Türkiye's UN filings.
- From Partnership Republic to Two States: The 1960 Constitution, 1963 and the Sovereign Equality ThesisRepublic of Cyprus 1960 constitution partnership state history, from Zurich to 1963, 1974, Annan and New York 2024, plus Ankara's sovereign equality thesis.
- Sovereignty at Sea: The 870 km Coast, the Equity Principle and the 2025 Marine Spatial Planning RegistrationTürkiye marine spatial planning IOC-UNESCO registration 2025 explained: the 870 km coast, equity principle, and what it does and does not do in law.
- Can the TRNC Be Recognized? Statehood Criteria, UN Security Council Resolutions 541 and 550 and the Two-State DebateHow statehood and recognition work under international law: Montevideo criteria, UNSC Resolutions 541 and 550, and the TRNC two-state debate explained.
- Should Parliaments Rule on History? Third-Country Resolutions, the Events of 1915 and the Role of Historians and CourtsWhy Türkiye rejects parliamentary genocide resolutions on the Events of 1915 and proposes a Joint Historical Commission, open archives and legal review.
- The 15 July 2016 Coup Attempt: What Is FETÖ and How Did Türkiye Defend Its Constitutional Order?What happened on 15 July 2016, what FETÖ is, how Türkiye responded, and what the Council of Europe, EU and rights groups say. A sourced explainer.
Cross-Publication Perspectives & Cited Research
Related Dossiers Across Partner Publications
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